Despite promises to introduce sweeping reforms, many believed Habibie was dragging his feet over a number of issues, and, in early November 1998, more rioting occurred. The cry for " Reformasi ", first heard in May, grew more voluble by the day as the rioters - largely students - demanded the removal of the army from parliament, an end to corruption within government, the bringing to trial of Suharto on charges of mismanagement and corruption, and a return to democracy. Ordinary people began to openly express their support for reform and, just as importantly, their dissatisfaction with the government. Even the press is enjoying a freedom of expression it has never enjoyed before.

Nobody expected Indonesia's transition to democracy to be an easy one and the country is currently in the grip of a mixture of fear, intrigue and hope. Occasionally this manifests itself in the form of religious intolerance : a number of Christians have been killed in a series of attacks, prompting revenge killings by Christian gangs, and almost two hundred Muslim clerics have also been murdered, though nobody knows by whom.

Despite the widespread mistrust of Habibie, he did lay the ground for the first free and democratic elections ever to be held in Indonesia, keeping a promise that he made during his first few days in power. In the elections, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, led by Megawati Sukarnoputri , the daughter of the country's first president, Sukarno, scored an easy victory. However, Indonesia's parliament, the People's Consultative Assembly, decided she couldn't be trusted to lead, a decision that led to widespread rioting on the streets of Jakarta. In the vote that followed, parliament chose Abdurrahman Wahid , the leader of the Islamic National Awakening Party, which came third in the elections, to be the country's first democratically elected president. To placate the rioters, Megawati was installed as vice-president.

Though almost totally blind and physically very frail following two strokes, Gus Dur, as Abdurrahman is affectionately known, has been very busy since taking office. In his bid to reduce the influence of the army in Indonesian politics, many top generals were sacked, including General Wiranto , the man who directed operations in East Timor in 1999 when that territory finally won independence from Indonesia after 24 years under occupation. Many believe Wiranto was behind the atrocities and violations of human rights that occurred on the island at that time, an accusation the UN is currently investigating. The army , though shorn of much of its power, still remains a credible threat to Abdurrahman's leadership, and whispers of an imminent coup circulate constantly.

The president also has his hands full trying to restore the faith of the international community in the Indonesian economy . His frequent overseas trips aimed at achieving his goal have drawn criticism too, particularly from those who feel he should be spending more time sorting out affairs closer to home: in Maluku and Ambon , over two thousand people have died recently in Muslim-Christian fighting, and in Aceh, north Sumatra, pro-independence rebels are waging a bloody campaign against the authorities. Abdurrahman's efforts to curb the cancer of corruption and resolve the current banking crisis have also met with limited success.

Indonesia's first experience of democracy has been a difficult and often bloody time. But if the ambitions of Abdurrahman for his country bear fruit, the future of the new democratic republic of Indonesia may not be so bleak as many had originally feared